Misjudged Murderesses 2: The Hanged.

 

Since in this article the main details of the background and trials of the accused had been examined elsewhere on this website it is proposed to concentrate on what went wrong. See blue hyperlinks to the original articles.

“Poisoning the Background.” The Press

As a modern article in the New Yorker stated:

In 1836, the government decreased the tax on newspapers from four pence to a penny. Consequently, the number of newspapers shot up, as did the sales of any paper willing to report vividly and at length on poisoning cases.  In 1856, when the Illustrated Times published a special edition on the trial of the ‘Rugeley poisoner,’ Dr. William Palmer circulation was said to have doubled to 400,000.

 

The articles probably inspired a few poisonings. Indeed, they more or less provided instructions.

This depiction of the popular and local press in occupying the current role of the dark web in disseminating antisocial material as a manual for poisoning may have been overdone.  Not only was the illiteracy rate 50 per cent throughout the period.  With the exception of Florence Maybrick, in all of the dubious cases examined in here the defendants were at best semi-literate. The function of the general British press during this period would appear to frighten precisely those who formed juries: the shopkeepers and other ratepayers who could now afford the penny press. These juries may well have been prejudiced by previous cases with local connections having been reported in local newspapers. Essentially local gossip about women who got away with it and what probably motivated those females who were convicted. This meant that everyone concerned, from witnesses to jurors knew all about the case from the prosecution view through the local press before the opening of the trial.

 

As the law stood and still stands, stirring up prejudice against an accused awaiting trial was prohibited on pain of committal for contempt. Not only did the press give little or no heed to it, such was the reluctance of authority from judges downwards to enforce the law that even in the most blatant breaches of the rule, that there would appear to be no instances throughout the period under consideration. The press, local and national, freely, and often imaginatively, embroidered evidential fact with local gossip. In particular, if the accused had any previous bad character this was paraded to the public. Letters written by the accused and others were published before appearances in court. Totally false reports of confessions by the accused even in notorious cases for fraud and murder were left unpunished.

What has been shown in a series of recent books and studies is the sinister and biased role of The Times of London newspaper in creating bigotry and panic amongst its readers by inaccurate reporting and intemperate opinion pieces. Here, the damage being done by the establishment paper of record was to the thinking of the entire legal profession from solicitors and barristers to the judiciary, as well as civil servants and government ministers.

In fairness, it should be noted that on occasion influential regional newspapers came to the rescue of the unfairly convicted, as in the Ann Merritt case.

 

“Poisoning the Background.” The Prelude cases

If a notorious poisoner had came from the same area or town previously, the press used their licence to remind all the locals by coupling the name of the accused with the convicted.

Sarah Chesham, 1851, Clavering, 37 miles from Ipswich. Was coupled with the “Essex group” Mary Shaming, 1844, Martlesham, six miles from Ipswich. Catherine Foster, 1847, Acton, 20 miles from Ipswich. Mary May, 1848, Wix, 10 miles from Ipswich. Mary Reeder, 1850, Castle Camps, 25 miles from Ipswich. Mary Emily Cage, 1851, Stonham, Apsal, 10 miles from Ipswich.

Priscilla Biggadike, 1868, Stickney, seven miles from Boston. Mary Lefley, 1884, Wrangle, seven miles from Boston.were coupled with the “Boston group”. Eliza Joyce, 1844, Boston town and Catherine Wilson, 1862, in London, native of Boston and probably committed one or more murders there.

1875 Trial. Lizzie Pearson, 1873 Durham Trial. Mary Ann Cotton, Durham, notorious serial killer.

Mary Ball

The lawyers’ petition for mercy used the following arguments:

That your petitioner is a woman of mean education, defective eyesight, imperfect memory and subject to epileptic fits.

And that your petitioner further shows that the jury who passed (judgement) upon the trial of your petitioner were greatly divided in opinion, and that they retired and were closeted together for upward of three hours, and the date of such jury were of the opinion when they retired from the jury box in court that your humble and miserable petitioner was not guilty to the last and fatal moment the said jury never were agreed to find her guilty save upon the promise that she should be recommended to mercy and that in pursuance of such bargain your petitioner was as she had advised improperly and unconstitutionally convicted of an offence which she now knows solemnly asserts her innocence.

Mary’s eyesight and memory both had a bearing on the trial. The defective eyesight may have caused confusion between the arsenic and salts, and the possible lie about the disposal of the excess arsenic could have been genuine lapse of imperfect memory.

The Rev Savage’s letter stresses the fact that Mary herself fetched the doctor and showed her anxiety about her husband’s health by going to a second medical man when the first refused to attend the dying man. Mary’s depth and level of intelligence and ignorance also featured.

The Judges letter to the Home Office concludes: at the same time it is not satisfactory as could be desired in a case of life or death’.

Waddington, the Home Office official responsible to the Home Secretary, ends his report to the Home Secretary: ‘The compromise, then, was a breach of duty on the part of the jury and might not, strictly speaking, have any weight at all on the decision of the case. You will see, however, by the last sentence in Coleridge’s letter that he is not quite satisfied.’

On the above evidence, there was surely a reasonable expectation that Mary would receive mercy and probably be sentenced to transportation for life.

However, the same day, the Home Office received a letter from Bellair. the visiting chaplain - Sir, “The governor of the Coventry jail having informed me as one of the visiting justices of the said jail that a prisoner under the sentence of death, Mary Ball, signed a petition in which amongst other things it was said her eyesight wanted, I deem it my duty to acquaint you that she can read small print without the aid of spectacles.”  I have the honour to be so, Your faithful servant.

 

What is totally astonishing is the assertion based on the alleged testimony of the prison governor that Mary was able to read small print without the aid of spectacles. In that one sentence we have the risible claim that Mary was not only of good eyesight but also literate.

Did she confess? A handbill, was also published.

 

The confession of Mary Ball as made to Mr. Stanley, Governor of the jail, to which is added an account of her execution.

could it be true? Surely not, because there is a lack of a Holmesian dog bark: the first thing the governor would do would be to rush this confession to the Home Office. No such document exists.

The woman who in Coventry on 9 August 1849 was hanged before a crowd of 20,000, was at worst, cause of a spur of the moment self-poisoning which could have been prevented, and at best, instigator of a straightforward accident.

 

Sarah Chesham
The most thorough analysis is to be found in the Master’s thesis by adult Canadian student Jill Ainsley. Her hypothesis that the prevailing agricultural use of arsenic coupled with the accusation of theft of eggs might well have resulted in Sarah’s two sons poisoning themselves by accident, is the most sensible explanation of their undoubted deaths by arsenic . As for the death of her husband there is the following evidence with regard to the bag of rice.

Yes it was true that she tried to prevent the police taking away the bag  of rice but it was on the grounds that her father had rice prepared for him regularly and he would miss it. This was coupled with the uncontested evidence of her father that she regularly prepared rice for him and there had been no ill effects. Dr Taylor’s evidence was that ‘the bag contained enough rice to kill six people’, that ‘every grain of rice was covered and the whole appeared to have been carefully mixed up together so that every part of the rice was poisoned and the interior of the bag containing the rice was likewise covered with arsenic’.

So how did the idea of Dr Taylor’s that the poisoning had occurred with little doses over a period of time square up with the large quantity of arsenic carefully spread through the rice? And why on earth did Sarah Chesham not get rid of the rice immediately her husband died if she had indeed put so much arsenic in it? One is driven to the probable conclusion that when the rice was taken by the police from her house it did not contain arsenic. She was also open with both the doctor and her mother-in-law about the feeding of milk and rice to her husband.

Then there was the evidence of the testimony of Hannah Phillips. In the formal evidence she made allegations that adultery formed part of Chesham’s motive for ridding herself of her husband. But Phillips did not explain why she failed to report Chesham’s confessions about having poisoned Solomon Taylor and her intention to poison Lydia Taylor, or why she didn’t disclose Chesham’s threats about her husband while he was still alive and she might have spared him the results of eating one of Chesham’s seasoned pies. There were also two quite extraordinary statements by her giving markedly different evidence in the magistrate’s court and assize. There was no one acting on Sarah’s behalf to cross examine this dubious witness so willingly accepted by the trial judge as proof of the previous murders. Her husband gave evidence that he had no idea his wife was so close to Sarah, and she had never talked to him about these conversations until after the inquest.

Superintendent Clarke was in charge of all the cases brought against Sarah; he must have smarted over the criticisms of the conduct of the investigations of the first three cases. He must have been quite sure that she was guilty of poisoning her husband as soon as he died and well before Dr Taylor’s examination. If Sarah was unlikely to be responsible for the arsenic in the rice then he was probably responsible for ‘improving’           the evidence after its confiscation.

Priscilla Biggadike

She really did not think she was guilty, she even applied for bail at the first hearing! The clue to her connection with her husband’s death being her “statement” to the Governor, a careful reading of the statement would simplify it to ‘Yes I was present when Proctor gave the poison to my husband, but I didn’t realise it was poison at the time and had some myself.’

As to Proctor, the only explanation why the judge took care to exclude him from the proceedings was that the judge must have been convinced before the trial started that Biggadike was guilty and it was useful to have Proctor as a prosecution witness. After all, there was clear other evidence against him apart from Priscilla’s statement. He was also a ratcatcher, the only common occupation that had access to commercial quantities of poison under the poisons act. I wonder what everyone would have thought if his sentence to 18 months for actual bodily harm had occurred before the trial rather than 10 years later.

This case has overtones of the great eighteenth-century poison case involving Mary Blandy, daughter of a rich Oxford attorney. Doting on her father, and troubled by the bad relations between her father and her lover, a Captain Cranston, she was persuaded by her lover to feed her father with ‘the Scottish Pebbles’ to make him more amenable to a proposed marriage. The lovesick woman believed her lover but the Scottish pebbles were arsenic and she was convicted and executed for her father’s death. It is surely credible that at the time Priscilla Biggadike believed that her lover was giving something harmless to her husband.

Lizzie Pearson

There are problems with this case in the reporting of it. Even local papers, usually so reliable and meticulous in their reporting, tell us little about the defence argument, and the Judge’s summing up to the jury is absent in all.

There is no doubt that Lizzie bought two lots of vermin powder, and whilst she may well have used the first lot of killing mice, as her mother-in- law testified, the second lot was not only unaccounted for but she lied to the police about it.

On the other hand the hole in the prosecution bucket is the disappearance of George Smith, the lodger who lived with Lizzie’s uncle.

What the prosecutor, in a pre-emptive strike, had to say about his flight from the trial: ‘There had been some talk of Smith. There had been no witness to say they saw Smith waiting upon the deceased: and although Smith was not to be found, that was no reason to assign the committal of this dastardly cruel and heartless murder to a man.’

So, firstly, the deceased was a man and everyone knew this was a woman’s crime. Secondly, there was a perfectly innocent reason for the flight, and the jury were asked to assume that: most unlikely. As he assumed in his address to the jury Lizzie was in such constant attendance on the deceased there was no opportunity for the lodger to get at him. Again, most unlikely.

A good defence lawyer properly briefed would have been able to question the problems with this case.

Was Lizzie guilty? Probably – but beyond reasonable doubt?

 

Mary Lefley

Boston Guardian Saturday 16 February1884 - “A SINGULAR COINCIDENCE”

“Mrs. Lefley, is like the notorious Mrs. Biggadike, a native of Stickney, and singular to state many circumstances in the two cases are exactly parallel. Mrs. Biggadike went out on the day she arranged to poison her husband, and upon her return she, like Mrs. Lefley walked straight up to her husband’s bedroom. She said ‘What’s the matter my dear?’ He said ‘You know very well what’s the matter. Go down and don’t let me see your face again.’ She went down, was apprehended by police and afterwards tried and executed for the murder of which she was undoubtedly guilty.”  With a paragraph in the paper like this interposed in the report of earlier proceedings Mary Lefley never had a chance.

There are many unanswered questions about this case:

Lefley saw seven people, excluding his wife, between his arrival at the surgery and his death. He told Dr first, Kelly, Miss Barb and Elizabeth Hill that the pudding was poisoned and of course he sent Mary away from his bedside. Otherwise, he said nothing to any of the seven which they mentioned in their evidence. A curious reticence.

The pudding contained enough arsenic to kill a hundred men. Could Mary possibly have been so naive as to believe this massive dose would be undiscovered?

Is it also possible that her husband could have cooked and eaten part of such a saturated pudding without noticing the grittiness in taste and appearance?

Then there was the suicide evidence. Surely a weird coincidence that whilst the husband was contemplating suicide his wife was planning murder. She knew about the suicide attempt too. Why didn’t she wait?

Why did Mary not concoct a plausible story about self-administered poison? Again, no plausible evidence of motive or unhappy marriage or access to poison was given at the trial.

I firmly believe that by the standards of the time she should have been acquitted.

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